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 Mines in the Iraqi constitution DinarDailyUpdates?bg=330099&fg=FFFFFF&anim=1

Mines in the Iraqi constitution

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 Mines in the Iraqi constitution Empty Mines in the Iraqi constitution

Post by GirlBye Thu Oct 29, 2020 11:08 am

A TV interview with the rapporteur of the Basic Buildings Committee (First Committee), the former deputy, Diaa Al-Shakraji, sparked new whirlwinds regarding the current Iraqi constitution, and this statement was circulated on social media, which many considered supportive of the popular demand to cancel it and write an Iraqi constitution by Iraqi hands.

Al-Shakurji revealed that he was the rapporteur of the First Constitutional Committee (the Basic Buildings Committee), and that he apologized for continuing his role, after the fifth session of this committee, due to pressure exerted on him in order to write reports or minutes other than what is happening in the Constitutional Committee, and to include what was not approved in the committee First.
When the presenter of the program asked him about the party that pressured him, he replied that the head of the First Basic Buildings Committee, Ahmed Al-Safi, the representative of the Shiite authority in Najaf, who used to pressure me and ask me not to distribute the records when I write and print them and then ask me to withdraw them, as well as the head of the constitution writing committee Hammam Hammoudi, who was leaked to Al-Sabah newspaper, at the time, included a formula in which things were not agreed upon.
The Iraqis described this constitution, which was written in a hurry, as a bombed constitution that contains articles that are not in favor of building a citizen state. After them, people from within the political community began to appear on television, describing the constitution as mined, according to their interests.

It was stated in the dictionary of the American political mind, which was developed by the diplomat and professor of philosophy, Dr. And perseverance in implementing the project of quotas and fragmentation, and transforming a strong, unified Iraq into ethnic, religious and sectarian states and regions, under the myths of political theology and naive political claims.

The constructive and divisive preamble of the constitution includes a clear phrase that says, "We went hand in hand, and shoulder by shoulder, to make our new Iraq, the Iraq of the future, without sectarianism, racism, regional complexity, discrimination, and exclusion. "The Iraqis discovered, after a short time, that what had happened was exactly the opposite, as the politicians, who occupied the advanced positions in the leadership of the state, sought hand in hand, and shoulder to shoulder, to make their new Iraq, the Iraq of their future, by stirring up sectarian strife, racism, and the regional complex, And entrench discrimination, exclusion .

This is what the Iraqis realized at an early age. Their youth revolted in a popular movement that has been going on, for a year, to demand the removal of the deceptive political class, the abolition of its constitution, and the writing of a new constitution in the form of the people.
The constitution of (the new Iraq), with divisive formulations, and others that are paradoxical, celebrated the disappearance of the identity of the Arab state, and many jurists have described the 2005 document that many mines hide behind its provisions, and that they are subject to exploding. This is what the legal expert Dr. Abdul-Hussein Shaaban summarized with points, including the relationship of religion to the state, asking: Is it really true that Iraq is an "Islamic republic", as mentioned in the section on basic principles? Note that the religious endowment of the state, and its prominence at the expense of its civil character, will leave its legal and political effects and consequences on the state and its future.

For the first time, officially, the constitution intends to perpetuate sectarianism within the state and society, instead of the ambiguity that characterized the previous nationality laws. It seems that the formula of Paul Bremer, the American civil administrator in Iraq, has moved its enemy to the permanent constitution, as it was mentioned in the draft the Islamic identity of the majority of the Iraqi people (with their Shiite majority and their Sunnah) (Article Two of Part One).

The most worthy of the legislature, especially in light of sectarian tension and ethnic tension, was the explicit and clear text: The prohibition of sectarianism and the punishment of those who practice it, call for it, promote it, or conceal it, based on the constitutional concepts on which the modern state is based, especially the principle of equality and non-discrimination.

The constitution also sought to ethnically fragmentation and conceptual confusion between nationalism and religion, when it called the Arabs and Kurds two main nationalities and named basic nationalities to the Turkmen, Chaldeans, Syriacs, Armenians, Shabaks and Persians, and moved to the Yazidi and Sabian Mandaeans (Article Three).In addition to other national, linguistic and religious minorities, it is mentioned by name, and the constitution guarantees their rights in accordance with the 1992 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Minorities and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights on the basis of parity, full equality and full citizenship.
It is also noted that the constitution generalizes Iraq's relationship with Arabism, as the legislator did not want to say that Iraq is part of the Arab nation, and it is a founding member of the Arab League and abides by its charters and agreements, because of that of moral considerations and legal responsibility.

The text is descriptive and without obligation: The Iraqi state is part of the Arab and Islamic worlds (Article Five).
The Egyptian press, which wrote a lot about the Iraqi constitution, mocked a statement made by Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari in 2005 at the door of the Arab League in Cairo, in response to journalists ’question about the constitution and the Arab identity of Iraq, when he said with a mouthful mouth: Who said that Iraq is Arab?

Many writers dealt with the dangers contained in the constitution for the future of Iraq, each from his point of view, as the writer Yusuf Al-Fadl believed that the drafting of the Iraqi constitution was filled with many mines that could be detonated automatically or mediated, and perhaps the most dangerous of these mines is what is legalized for the oil wealth Management and disposal of revenues, especially as this was linked to the establishment of regions and decentralized administration, which facilitated the explosion of differences, as is currently evident between Baghdad and the Kurdistan region.

Adopting decentralization in the provinces and regions does not serve Iraq, in the current circumstance because it can lead to confusion in decisions and economic trends, especially in the field of oil, and it may lead to fragmentation of the country, as is evident from the ongoing conflict inside Iraqi Kurdistan on the one hand and between the center Erbil, on the other hand, is that the problem does not lie in central administration or decentralization, but rather in political maturity and various objective circumstances.

Many Iraqis, who were demanding the amendment of the constitution, backed away from their position, to demand, together with the youth of the popular movement, to cancel the constitution and write a new one that matches the aspirations of all Iraqis.
Today, activists and demonstrators are calling for a constitution devoid of any sign that reinforces the sectarian and sectarian divide, or a change in the country's internal geography, in addition to amendments related to the number of members of the House of Representatives, considering it a source of loss of Iraqi funds, especially since every parliamentarian has seven protection elements and rental allowances In addition to allocating cars and offices, it consumes tens of millions of dollars annually.

Knowing that the Iraqi constitution made the number of members of parliament subject to an increase with the increase in the population, as it imposed the presence of a deputy for every 100,000 people, and as a result, the number of members of Parliament increased from 275 in the first elections in 2005, to 329 in the parliamentary elections that took place in May 2018.

Iraqis hope that the youth of the popular movement will achieve this dream and other dreams that they are looking forward to, especially the removal of the political process, which they consider the source of the scourge in their homeland.
In conclusion, a constitution with this sterility and amalgamated formulations is not befitting of Mesopotamia, as it is a constitution that has no remedy and no reform that benefits with it except by writing it again, so that citizenship is its essence and evidence.

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